I'm against vigilantes in the United States of America. I'm for enforcing the law in a rational way.
—George W. Bush
Power is raunchy when the cops are watching.
—Beck
Robert C. Bonner, border czar, believes this year’s increase of 210 Border Patrol agents is a fine substitute for the 2,000 demanded by Congress (Jerry Seper, “Border Patrol Hiring Ripped,” The Washington Times, March 3, 2005).
“Yes,” he enthused. “Given the right combination of agents and technology, if we work smarter and do a better job." The key to the Bush administration’s fight against illegal immigration is, indeed, electronic surveillance. Why ought Bonner risk the thirst and boredom of agents in the field when an IT closet will do?
The administration’s comprehensive plan, saving us thousands in Border Patrol salaries, is the $84 million America's Shield Initiative (ASI), featuring monitors, sensors, and synergistic technologies. Commissioner Bonner assures us it is, indeed, “state-of-the-art.”
ASI may be “state-of-the-art,” but that is where the hyphenate buzzwords end. A catchphrase like “of-the-moment,” for example, belongs to that other border control initiative—the Minuteman project.
This is not the occasion to anthologize the mountain of media coverage that rivals the death of the Pope as spring’s most covered event. We know the sexy headline—Bush Defies Own Seething Rednecks. Hill Democrats and “even some Republicans” have taken the President to task for scrimping on reinforcements, and no one seems excited about investing millions on what sound like third-rate robots to deter and deport the millions of people that the government of Mexico is investing in us.
Strange news, indeed, with military e-reconnaissance such a smashing success.
The skies over Iraq are clogged with drones. 750-800 unmanned aircraft patrol Iraq’s airspace at altitudes ranging from 300 to 60,000 feet. There are so many, they sometimes run into each other. Predators fitted with Hellfire missiles hit Al-Qaeda in Yemen and blasted scores of targets, or other objects, during the Battle of Falluja. They are relatively cheap. They are hardworking, and do not require pilots on speed to keep them aloft. They do not disappoint. And, like them or not as zero-risk weapons, the use of armed drones is not the issue in border security. Right now, on a daily basis, Predators costing $5 million a pop are beaming “24-hour-a-day,” “seven-day-a-week” reconnaissance reports back to a rotating crew of air-conditioned servicemen able to control their flying familiars from a compound in—Las Vegas.
That is correct. While the United States operates, from a stone’s throw from the Strip, an airborne flotilla of unmanned surveillance craft halfway around the world, America’s southern border waits in arid frustration for a half-planned and unbuilt contraption of webcams and infrared beams priced roughly at the same level as seventeen Predator drones. These drones can be fielded immediately. They will not get sand stuck in their gears at 20,000 feet (where there is no sand); like obedient dogs, they will come home to their own maintenance crews. They will not fall prey to coyotes.
Why has President Bush not ordered the deployment of even one unmanned aircraft over the Mexican border? Why has he not established stripped-down command centers in Barstow, Nogales, and Galveston, and wired them to the same eternal eyes in the sky that are good enough for the Vegas Air Force?
Because Bush likes illegals. He now believes two things, both the product of a certain roving and ubiquitous government creature of a very different kind: first, pro-immigrant Latinos need to go Republican to keep the GOP on top in American politics; second, the tide of illegals is an unstoppable force, more a function of Hegelian world economics than domestic law or policy.
Both postulates are as posh as they are preposterous. Latino America does not default, morally or practically, toward support for illegal immigration. Those with legal jobs threatened by an influx of cheaper labor do not support the status quo. Moreover, despite sub-hype turnout, the Minutemen held a full-press court. The media has made their existence known—and not just on this side of the border. They brush off the idea that Mexican cop/army patrols are the real deterrent. Their nervous detractors cling to it. In fact, Mexico is responding to what’s happening in America. The initiative can be re-seized from a Mexican government whose feigned powerlessness in preventing the mass exodus of its own people amounts to criminal negligence. The more Mexico does to stop illegal immigration before it starts, the more wind is sucked from the sails of the Minutemen and their supporters.
Vicente Fox does not, however, want to be the one to suck wind. He wants to print pamphlets that save the lives of those who he couldn’t help at home. For the Mexican government—or so it seems—the desperation of the average illegal does not exist until he touches American soil.
This crisis took years to create and it will take years, not a minute, to undo. Bush still has time, before the under-40 set takes over Minuteman, to get his house in order. But his cheapskate collusion with globalization’s pimps, with the Border Patrol made to watch, is in the interim the raunchiest sort of disgrace.
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